Since its re-election final yr, Narendra Modi’s BJP-led authorities has sought to speed up India’s transition from a state erected on secular rules to at least one ruled by Hindu nationalism. In August final yr, it eliminated no matter remained of Jammu and Kashmir’s autonomy and positioned its solely Muslim-majority state below lockdown.
Three months later, the federal government handed the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which legally marginalises Muslims and dangers stripping them of Indian citizenship. Last month, Hindu mobs focused Muslims with demise and destruction in Delhi, the place the police had been credibly accused of aiding the assaults.
As the world has witnessed a downturn in India’s democratic and liberal standing, some pessimists fear that its unabashed majoritarian flip spells bother for the burgeoning alliance with the United States. Having witnessed main advances in army, financial, sociocultural, and diplomatic ties during the last 20 years, absolutely a partnership between the world’s largest and oldest democracies can’t assist however be affected by such a shift in values.
To the opposite, there’s little compelling proof for the concept that the Indo-US relationship will undergo. Democracy and liberal values matter little when cementing alliances between states, even to these nations that profess in any other case, such because the US. When one focuses on the forest, not particular person bushes, it turns into abundantly clear that Washington and New Delhi’s upward trajectory will press on.
Alliances rooted in widespread pursuits, not democracy
The relationship between India and the US is constructed on the sturdiest attainable basis in worldwide politics: a typical long-term rival. In occasions of peril, nations with very totally different priorities and governing philosophies might band collectively to defeat an enemy, such because the US and the Soviet Union throughout World War II. Even in occasions much less pressing than a worldwide battle for nationwide survival, nations will ignore what they think about unsavoury home behaviour from others as long as they align geopolitically.
This truism is barely difficult within the case of the US. Unlike most nations, the US does, as a matter in fact, expend time and assets in championing democracy, human rights, and different liberal interest horses overseas. At the identical time, nevertheless, the identical US will look previous violations of democratic doctrine and human rights if different, extra vital, international coverage targets are met. The in all probability apocryphal story of Franklin Roosevelt referring to Nicaraguan dictator General Somoza as “a son of a b****, but our son of a b****” completely encapsulates this dichotomy – or much less kindly, hypocrisy.
Certainly, through the Cold War, the US partnered with murderous dictators and thuggish autocrats all over the place from Latin America to Europe to the Middle East to South Asia and Southeast Asia, all in a bid to oppose the unfold of communism. This interval noticed the US overthrow democratically elected governments six occasions and intervene in a minimum of 12 different elections. Even after the defeat of communism, the US has been completely happy to have interaction with terrible regimes within the 30 years since.
South Asia itself isn’t any stranger to such US alliances with intolerant leaders and governments. Notably, the intervals when the US was most pleasant to Pakistan was when it was below army rule: the 1960s, 80s, and 2000s.
China – the widespread menace
Notwithstanding this file, it’s simple to see why some analysts might overrate the significance of democracy with regards to India. After all, successive American leaders have couched heat ties with it in such language.
However, this flowery rhetoric is best considered window-dressing for extra base motivations. In truth, Washington’s embrace of India is pushed by the crystallisation of the view that China is a threatening rival.
Up to the 1990s, it was a fairly open query whether or not the US would undertake an accommodationist or aggressive coverage in the direction of Beijing’s rise. The final 20 years have ended such a debate: China is taken into account a rival to be contained, not a buddy to be nurtured.
The US has consequently sought to orient its international coverage round this fundamental supposition. Indeed, Barack Obama’s much-ballyhooed “pivot to Asia” was motivated by the strategic crucial that China and the Asia-Pacific area had been a lot higher priorities than the Middle East, the area the place the US spent most of its blood and treasure.
It is China, not democracy, liberalism, or constitutionalism that ought to be credited with the bonhomie marking US-India relations. After all, India and the US had been each democracies by way of the 1950s, 60s, 70s, 80s, however it was solely on the flip of the century that their union blossomed. If democracy was the central issue pushing these nations collectively, it will have occurred a very long time in the past.
Furthermore, if the connection was a product of widespread liberal values, it will be scarcely possible to consider two worse personalities than Trump and Modi to function figureheads for it, suffused because the pairing is by authoritarian and nationalist impulses. Indeed, the actual fact that Trump and Modi have steadily pushed the alliance ahead speaks volumes in regards to the relative significance of democracy.
Muted US authorities criticism
As such, exactly as a result of democracy or liberalism shouldn’t be an vital contributor to warming ties, the backslide in India’s human rights file won’t adversely have an effect on the connection. Why ought to it trouble Washington that India shouldn’t be behaving in accordance with the secular and democratic rules enshrined at its beginning?
Indeed, within the aftermath of its strikes in Kashmir, the Modi authorities would have been heartened to listen to the State Department constantly seek advice from the difficulty as an “internal matter” for India. There was barely extra concern evinced after the CAA, however even then, US diplomats didn’t provide something approaching criticism, solely gentle recommendations to India to higher reside as much as its personal beliefs.
Because the US authorities is a big, unwieldy establishment with various pursuits and priorities, silence shouldn’t be a uniform response, and one might hear the odd, remoted criticism of Modi and the BJP. Even some presidential candidates within the Democratic Party, together with most vociferous Bernie Sanders, unambiguously and unequivocally spoke out towards the Indian authorities.
But within the grand scheme of issues, Congress and federal bureaucracies such because the State Department and, particularly, the Pentagon, are unlikely to ascribe overriding significance to points such because the constitutional standing of Kashmir or the rights and safety of India’s minorities. From their perspective, there are larger fish – China, particularly – to fry.
Indo-US ties: a agency footing
Could a relationship on such a agency footing be upended? Logically, there are two prospects: worldwide and home. If, as an illustration, the US softens its stance in the direction of China, it will suggest much less urgency in embracing India. This, nevertheless, is an unlikely prospect within the quick run; China is taken into account an issue throughout the political spectrum within the US. Talking up strategic cooperation with Beijing is a loser’s sport for Washington.
Domestically, it may very well be posited that Indian-Americans, mirroring the Cuban-American mannequin, might push Washington to undertake a sterner place towards Hindu nationalism in India. Just as conservative Cuban-Americans foyer for hawkish positions towards Castro’s socialist regime of their “home” nation, is it affordable to anticipate the largely liberal Indian-American minority to politic for extra strident admonishment of right-wing nationalism in theirs?
Certainly, this argument would discover assist within the latest conduct of younger Indian-Americans, notably school college students, who’ve protested towards developments in India. More pertinently, Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal led a decision within the House condemning the BJP authorities’s latest actions.
But it’s hanging that Jayapal’s decision, regardless of being a bipartisan one with greater than 60 co-sponsors, has basically come to nothing, dying in committee. Tellingly, it confronted political headwinds from extra conservative and nationalist Indian-American lobbying teams, leaving it unlikely to be handed by the House whilst a nonbinding decision, not to mention one with extra tooth.
More typically, if final autumn’s Howdy Modi rally in Houston and different admittedly anecdotal proof is something to go by, Indian-Americans are usually not uncomfortable with Modi’s model of majoritarian nationalism – so long as it’s practised in India, not the US. In this telling, Indian-Americans might resemble the Jewish-American mannequin greater than the Cuban-American one: a extremely educated, socioeconomically profitable ethnic minority which votes for Democrats in a roughly 3:1 ratio, whereas on the similar time extending a fairly lengthy leash to intolerant behaviour within the nation of their ethnic brethren.
Indo-US ties had been stronger in 2000 than 1990, stronger in 2010 than 2000, and stronger in 2020 than in 2010. It could be a courageous particular person to wager towards the continuation of this development.
It shouldn’t be that progress between the 2 events is unimpeded or that they don’t often disappoint the opposite. Indeed, the alliance would profit from a dose of realism and tempered expectations about what it may ship, notably within the enviornment of defence and army cooperation. But the connection is assuredly sturdy sufficient to purchase New Delhi insurance coverage towards American criticism because it descends to a religious-nationalist state.
The views expressed on this article are the creator’s personal and don’t essentially mirror Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.